This wide-ranging volume presents an in-depth picture of adolescent sexuality and behavior. As perhaps the most vital period in human development, adolescence is a time of complex, often difficult interactions between diverse influences. Here, nineteen scientists representing ten disciplines explore the biological, psychological, and cultural factors involved in the onset of puberty and its associated emotional changes. Patterns of adolescent sexual behavior are viewed in cross-cultural perspective, psychiatric disorders are considered, and trends in adolescent sexual activity, contraception, and pregnancy are (...) described. Key legal and social dilemmas are also explored. This is the third volume in a groundbreaking series from the Kinsey Institute, which has as its aim the study of topics relating to sex, gender, and reproduction that require an interdisciplinary approach. Previous volumes in the series include Homosexuality/Heterosexuality and Masculinity/Femininity. (shrink)

We analyse and evaluate the qualified majority (QM) decision rule for the Council of Ministers of the EU adopted at the EU Inter-Governmental Conference, Brussels, 18 June 2004 [1]. We compare this rule with the QM rule prescribed in the Treaty of Nice, and the rule included in the original draft Constitution proposed by the European Convention in July 2003. We use a method similar to the one we used in [3] and [4].

We analyse and assess the qualified majority (QM) decision rule for the Council of Ministers of the EU, adopted at the Council of the European Union, Brussels, 23 June 2007. This rule is essentially the same as that adopted at the Inter-Governmental Conference, Brussels, 18 June 2004. We compare this rule with the QM rule prescribed in the Treaty of Nice, and the scientifically-based rule known as the ‘Jagelonian Compromise’.

This is an introduction to set theory and logic that starts completely from scratch. The text is accompanied by many methodological remarks and explanations.

The hope of this work is that these notes will help to convince more mathematicians that non-standard analysis can make a useful addition to the tools of their trade.

After 1945, the German medical community underwent a period of self-examination. The profession’s experience during the Nazi period raised profound questions concerning its ethical integrity and political allegiances. This paper considers the advent of medical nationalism, and shows how, in Berlin and in the Soviet zone of Germany, narratives were constructed to show a new and positive picture of German medicine.

Representing a crucial intervention in the history of internationalism, transnationalism and global history, this edited collection examines a variety of internationalisms developed by Europeans over the course of the 20th century.

This paper looks at a genre of meetings that, while neither purely ‘scientific’ nor ‘diplomatic’, drew on elements from both professional spheres and gained prominence in the interwar decades and during the Second World War. It proposes to make sense of ‘technical conferences’ as a phenomenon that was made by and through scientific experts and politicians championing the organizing power of rationality, science and liberal internationalism. Against the background of swelling ranks of state-employed scientists, this paper documents the emergence of (...) technical conferences as the forums where they got down to work. To make this case the paper traces the influence of a new way of thinking about the function and organization of conferences, originating in the time around the First World War, on one international organization in particular: the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), as a new hub of scientists and technicians. (shrink)

Nowadays Kant's practical philosophy is as highly regarded as his theoretical philosophy. This is an important development since the more constructive side of Kant's philosophy is to be found in his moral and political works. The main task of the Critique of Pure Reason is to clarify its concepts and to get rid of basic errors, and thus only ‘negative’. The moral and political writings, on the other hand, try to expand the scope of reason ‘for practical purposes’ . Establishing (...) principles of moral and political conduct, their main objective is not negative, but constructive. (shrink)

We address simple voting games as mathematical objects in their own right, and study structures made up of these objects, rather than focusing on SVGs primarily as co-operative games. To this end it is convenient to employ the conceptual framework and language of category theory. This enables us to uncover the underlying unity of the basic operations involving SVGs.

In a two-tier decision-making system such as the EU Council of Ministers, if the number of constituencies (member-states) is sufficiently large (say, 15 or more), Penrose’s Square-Root rule can be implemented to a high level of approximation by a simple weighted decision rule at the top level (the Council) with any given quota q smaller than the total weight. This leaves one degree of freedom: the value of q as a free parameter, to be determined by some additional condition. I (...) propose to survey and discuss critically the most important considerations for fixing this value – some of which have actually been used by theoreticians or practitioners: efficiency, transparency, sensitivity (total voting power of citizens), mean majority deficit, giving certain ‘privileged’ coalitions blocking status. Some of these considerations are reasonably compatible; others less so. Some kind of compromise is clearly needed. But which? This is essentially a political matter; but a political decision ought to be made in a theoretically enlightened way. (shrink)

I propose a twofold classification of the main considerations underlying the choice of an election procedure: political criteria on the one hand, and social-choice criteria on the other. I formulate political dichotomies, each combination of which narrows down the choice of procedure to a sub-class of the class of all procedures. I discuss what social-choice theory has to offer in each of these.

Hundreds of thousands of conferences have taken place since their first appearance in the late eighteenth century, yet the history of science has often treated them as stages for scientific practice, not as the play itself. Drawing on recent work in the history of science and of international relations, the introduction to this special issue suggests avenues for exploring the phenomenon of the international scientific conference, broadly construed, by highlighting the connected dimensions of communication, sociability and international relations. It lays (...) out a typology of scientific conferences as a way of gaining an overview of their diversity in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It argues that the international scientific conference is a central locus for understanding science as a social, cultural and political practice. (shrink)

LS Penrose was the first to propose a measure of voting power (which later came to be known as ‘the [absolute] Banzhaf index’). His limit theorem – which is implicit in Penrose (1952) and for which he gave no rigorous proof – says that, in simple weighted voting games, if the number of voters increases indefinitely while the quota is pegged at half the total weight, then – under certain conditions – the ratio between the voting powers (as measured by (...) him) of any two voters converges to the ratio between their weights. We conjecture that the theorem holds, under rather general conditions, for large classes of variously defined weighted voting games, other values of the quota, and other measures of voting power. We provide proofs for some special cases. (shrink)

Using Africana critical theory as a critical framework to analyze W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Flame trilogy, this study establishes a transdisciplinary theory of the dehumanization of Black students in the United States. As lenses of analysis, critical race theory and Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome reveal how the processes of racialization, colonization, and globalization contribute to the multigenerational traumas many Blacks have experienced in education since Reconstruction.

The twenty-seven contributors to this book are professors, teachers, and students representing all parts of Canada, as well as the USA, Brazil, Norway, Finland, and South Africa. They wrestle with the meaning and practice of social justice in and through music education.

What is the role of cultural archives in creating and sustaining connections between diasporic communities? Through an analysis of an audiovisual archive that has sought to bring together representations of and by African, Caribbean and Asian people, this article discusses the relationship between diasporic film, knowledge production and feminist solidarity. Focusing on a self-curated, UK-based archive, the June Givanni Pan-African Cinema Archive, we explore the potentiality of archives for carving out spaces of diasporic connectivity and resistance. This archive assembles (...) the holdings of pan-African films and film-related materials, built over several decades by June Givanni, a Guyanese-born London-based film curator. Givanni’s archive embodies her long relationship with the intersecting worlds of African and Asian diasporic cinema, which hold deep connections to Black British heritage through global networks spanning across empire. In the making of this cultural analysis, we employ a co-produced, decolonial methodological approach by designing and producing the article in collaboration with Givanni over a two-year period. We aim to foreground the role of feminist labour (academic and practitioner) as agents of change who are reclaiming stories, voices and memory-making. The wider backdrop to this co-produced analysis is the ongoing resilience of a cultural amnesia that has pervaded the Black British experience and the current fragility of Black arts and cultural spaces in the UK. Our question is how might archives help us map the connections between racialised ideas of belonging, memory politics and the reconfiguration of colonial power whilst also operating as a site of feminist connectivity? (shrink)

The knots of images in Aeschylus’ Septem with their exuberant and powerful vocabulary give the play the aura that prompted Gorgias and Aristophanes to proclaim it “full of Ares”. The ferocity of the ancient siege is brought to life in the destruction of the city the chorus imagines and in the duels at the seven gates that achieve epic proportions through the dueling speeches of Eteocles and his scout. The play’s transparent dependence on language for its emotive effect readily invites (...) close examination. Aeschylus’ Septem abounds with contemporary cosmological and mathematical ideas and images. The poet uses them consistently throughout the play, I suggest, to make of Thebes a seven-sided, shield-shaped cosmos, ruled over by the seven-month lord of sevens (heptamagetes), Apollo, and the completion of whose circumference seals the unified fate of Polynices and Eteocles. (shrink)

In this account, we explain the meaning of a priori voting power and outline how it is measured. We distinguish two intuitive notions as to what voting power means, leading to two approaches to measuring it. We discuss some philosophical and pragmatic objections, according to which a priori (as distinct from actual) voting power is worthless or inapplicable.

If K is an index of relative voting power for simple voting games, the bicameral postulate requires that the distribution of K -power within a voting assembly, as measured by the ratios of the powers of the voters, be independent of whether the assembly is viewed as a separate legislature or as one chamber of a bicameral system, provided that there are no voters common to both chambers. We argue that a reasonable index – if it is to be used (...) as a tool for analysing abstract, ‘uninhabited’ decision rules – should satisfy this postulate. We show that, among known indices, only the Banzhaf measure does so. Moreover, the Shapley–Shubik, Deegan–Packel and Johnston indices sometimes witness a reversal under these circumstances, with voter x ‘less powerful’ than y when measured in the simple voting game G1 , but ‘more powerful’ than y when G1 is ‘bicamerally joined’ with a second chamber G2 . Thus these three indices violate a weaker, and correspondingly more compelling, form of the bicameral postulate. It is also shown that these indices are not always co-monotonic with the Banzhaf index and that as a result they infringe another intuitively plausible condition – the price monotonicity condition. We discuss implications of these findings, in light of recent work showing that only the Shapley–Shubik index, among known measures, satisfies another compelling principle known as the bloc postulate. We also propose a distinction between two separate aspects of voting power: power as share in a fixed purse (P-power) and power as influence (I-power). (shrink)